In Western society, the terms ‘family’ and ‘family life’ are generally assumed to refer to the now-traditional nuclear family model. Cheal (2004, pp. 4-5) defines a ‘nuclear family’ as a legally married heterosexual couple and their children, a unit that regards itself as and is regarded by others as separate from wider society. ‘Family’ then, in mainstream Western society at least, usually refers to ‘Mum, Dad and the kids’. Grandparents, aunts, uncles and cousins are generally considered ‘extended family.’ This nuclear family model has been institutionalised in political and academic discourse, being considered the norm even within sociological schools, particularly functionalism.
Functionalists argue that this nuclear family model prevails in Western society because it is functional, i.e.: it is the model that best meets the needs of the modern industrial society in that, being small and less bound to the maintenance of extended family ties, it is more geographically mobile and can therefore meet the changing demands of the industrial economy (Bilton, Bonnett, Jones, et al., 1996, p.487). More significantly, the nuclear family has become the place where individuals have their needs for intimacy, meaning, and emotional support met. Intimacy may be defined as “close association and privileged knowledge, empathy and understanding, love and care” (Jamieson, 1998, p.98). More practically, as the primary welfare institution through which individuals are expected to have their health and nutritional needs catered to, ‘the family’ reduces these burdens on society (McLennan, Ryan & Spoonley 2004 p.80).
A first objection to speaking of ‘the family’ is that this implies that a family is a unit. Individuals within a family do not act collectively, or even necessarily share the same values or goals, and even within the nuclear family model husband and wife have clearly differentiated gendered roles in regard to providing for and supporting family members. The father/husband is assumed to act as protector, provider and leader, the mother/wife as homebound nurturer and housekeeper, and their children are expected to be obedient and learn from their parents the roles they will perform when they themselves have matured (McLennan, Ryan & Spoonley 2004, p.80). The nuclear family is divided along gender and generational lines, and this fact is obscured by referring to ‘the family’ in the singular.
Structuralists including Marxists and feminists see ‘the family’ as a place of conflict and power struggles. Feminists argue that in the nuclear family women are “systematically disadvantaged,” and that men’s power in society both derives from and is reinforced by their privileged position in the home (McLennan, Ryan & Spoonley, 2006, p.81). Men, as the breadwinners and decision makers, have control over the distribution of income within the home, and the institution of ‘the family’ puts women and children in a position of dependency. The division of labour in ‘the family’ favours men, as women do a greater share of the housework, are expected to provide sex, produce children and be the primary caregiver, all for little material recompense – thus for feminists, the family is essentially an institution by which men maintain power over and exploit women.
Marxists have traditionally considered ‘the family’ a fundamental institution of capitalist society, one that refreshes and renews workers without the state having to pay for it, and also produces and socialises children to fulfil the roles modelled by their parents, thereby ensuring a continual supply of workers (McLennan, Ryan & Spoonley, 2004, pp.80-81). For Marxists, ‘the family’ is the basic unit upon which industrial society is built, for in trading their labour for wages with which to provide for their families the working class supports the economy (Bilton, Bonnett, Jones et al., 1996, p. 510). This ‘political economy’ approach asserts that it is society that shapes the family and all the interpersonal relationships within it, and those between it and the outside world, that in fact individuals are not in control of their intimate lives, rather their lives are predicated on class and wealth (Baker, 2001, pp.70-72).
Structuralist and functionalist understandings of ‘the family’ as essentially nuclear, while highly influential in the twentieth century, are problematic in that they assume the ubiquity of the nuclear family model, presupposing an essential basic family unit discernable at all times in all cultures. Clearly this is not the case: historically, notions of ‘the family’ have changed significantly even within Western society, and even the briefest survey of other cultures reveals that there are many diverse understandings of what constitutes ‘family’ across the globe. Jamieson (1998, pp.17-20) describes the evolution of the family in Western society, noting that in the pre-modern/pre-industrial times, families were characterised by a lack of privacy, and that intimacy was tempered by the restrictions of hierarchy based on age and gender. Furthermore, children were not “cherished” or protected as they are today; rather, they were treated as adults and sent out into the workforce to provide extra income. It was only in the modern industrial period that expectations of intimacy and privacy came to be associated with the family, as with family households no longer the primary site of production, marriage and parenthood came to be viewed as more about individuals’ emotional lives.
Marriage, in particular, came to be seen as a source of renewal, support and empathy, in a time where the division of labour in families became more rigidly gendered, with men expected to be the breadwinner, and women the primary caregivers. Having outlined these changes, Jamieson (1998, pp.17-20) goes on to describe two interpretations of the post-modern family, an optimistic appraisal in which the attainment of good relationships, characterised by empathy and understanding, is seen as more important than conventional marriage, where individuals are free to negotiate their own rules around the division of labour and sexual conduct; and a pessimistic appraisal, in which a prevailing ethos of individualism and consumerism in fact isolates people and prevents the attainment of intimacy. Jamieson’s description illustrates that family and household dynamics within Western society have varied over time, and that speaking of ‘the family’ in the singular obscures this historical development.
A second objection is that speaking of ‘the family’ ignores the sometimes substantial differences between families even within mainstream Western society. Even to the lay person, ‘family’ will mean different things depending on her or his own cultural and class background, age and gender (Baker, 2001, p.244). The concept of ‘the family’ does not take account of the changing realities of people’s lives: children grow up and move out into flats, parents separate or spouses die, and thus even nuclear families change over time. There are step-families, single-parent families, adoptive families, married couples and de facto couples which may or may not have or choose to have children. There are also families where the grandparents live in the household, households comprised of unmarried adult siblings, and even polyamorous families in which adults may have more than one romantic relationship concurrently, living as a ‘triple,’ a ‘V’ or in some other non-monogamous arrangement (Barker, 2005, pp.75-88; Bettinger, 2006, p.161).
The heterosexual romantic couple is not necessarily the core of a family unit in contemporary Western society, as gay and lesbian families which may be any combination of the above variations on the theme of ‘family’ are increasingly recognised as acceptable alternatives. Cheal (2002, p.6) notes that the increasing incidence of homosexual cohabitation being recognized as ‘family’ is part of a wider trend of societal acceptance and legal recognition of non-married long-term relationships, while others see these kinds of ‘families of choice’ as inevitable in late modernity (Weeks, 2002, p.218). This listing of exceptions to the nuclear family model is by no means exhaustive, and yet it illustrates the inadequacy of the assumption that the nuclear family is the norm. Referring to ‘the family’ obscures the differences between these families and suggests that there is something dysfunctional or deficient about families that don’t match the norm.
A third objection to the conflation of ‘the family’ with the nuclear family model is that it ignores the many variations of family structure that can be observed in other cultures, the nuclear family is culturally specific and therefore cannot be generalised (McLennan, Ryan & Spoonley 2004, pp.80-81). This failure to acknowledge the diversity of family structures in other cultures wrongly implies that the social structure and composition of Western society is in fact the norm, and thus that any society that deviates from these norms is pathological or dysfunctional. And yet there are any number of ‘functional’ alternatives to the nuclear family model in other cultures; such as the Hamula of Palestine, described by Cheal (2004, pp. 4-5), where ‘family’ consists of any number of men, related to one another by descent from a common ancestor, living hierarchically in the same village, each the head of a household consisting of wives and children. Closer to home, there are the ‘extended families’ of Polynesian cultures, such as the Maori whanau, in which family members have their emotional and material needs met by close-knit intergenerational kin networks. Even so, the fact remains that most of us organise our lives around some idea of family: Jamieson (1998, p.100) and Cheal (2004, pp. 4-5) both note that conventional nuclear family life is still seen by many in Western society as an ideal to aspire to. Additionally, there seems to exist something like ‘family’ in all societies and cultures – across the world humans court, marry, cooperate economically, raise children, and trace their lines of descent (Baker p.244).
In recognition of this, contemporary sociological definitions of family are notably unspecific and broad. Cheal (2002, p.4) for instance acknowledges that no one definition of family works in all contexts, and accordingly defines ‘family’ as a large or small group of people, who are in intimate relationships with one another that last over time and across generations. Symbolic interactionist interpretations, in stark contrast to structuralist and functionalist views of family, define a family as a set of relationships negotiated and constructed by individuals, rather than a ubiquitous set of pre-existing roles that people come to inhabit, the emphasis being on the processes of interaction, rather than on social structures and functions (McLennan, Ryan & Spoonley 2004, pp.81-82).
In sum, sociological discourse should not presuppose the ubiquity of the nuclear family model, but rather must acknowledge that what we in Western society have come to think of as ‘the family’ is in reality no more than a set of ideas or an ideological construct firmly grounded in our own cultural history and bound to our own expectations of generational and gender roles. Consequently, sociological definitions of family life must make allowance for the diverse ways in which individuals structure their family lives, and as such references to ‘the family’ in sociological discourse should be avoided. Where the terms ‘the family’ or ‘family life’ are employed, they must then be understood to encompass the wide diversity of family forms found across time, cultures and even within our own society.
References
Baker, M. (2001). Families, labour and love: Family diversity in a changing world. Crow’s Nest NSW, Australia: Allen & Unwin.
Barker, M. (2005). ‘This is my partner, and this is my… partner’s partner: Constructing a polyamorous identity in a monogamous world.’ Journal of Constructivist Psychology, 18(1), 75-88.
Bilton, T., Bonnett, K., Jones, P., Skinner, D., Stanworth, M. & Webster, A. (1996). Theorising modern family life. In Introductory Sociology (3rd ed.). (pp. 479- 524). Macmillan Press: London.
Cheal, D. (2002). Introduction: Asking questions. In Sociology of family life (pp.1- 17). Basingstoke: Palgrave publishers.
Jamieson, L. (1998). From ‘the family’ to sex and intimacy. Intimacy: Personal relationships in modern societies (pp.15-42). Cambridge: Polity Press.
McLennan, G., Ryan, A. & Spoonley, P. (2004). ‘Family Life’ in Exploring Society: Sociology for New Zealand students (2nd ed.), Pearson Education: New Zealand, pp. 77-95.
Weeks, J. (2002). Elective families: Lesbian and gay life experiments. In Alan Carling, Simon Duncan and Rosalind Edwards (Eds.) Analysing families: Morality and rationality in policy and practice, pp. 218-228. Routledge, London.

















